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The absence of Mrs
Mogherini at the Minsk summit on Ukraine did not pass unnoticed, reopening the
debate on the role of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs
and Security Policy. In Belarus, Europe was not represented by Mogherini, but
by Angela Merkel and François Hollande. This fact reveals that the
Franco-German axis still dominates the EU’s geopolitical relations. Since the
early 1950s, the balance of power between France and Germany constitutes the
core of a united Europe. Politically speaking, therefore, the role of France
and Germany in Minsk is far from unexpected.
From a legal point of
view, however, the question is more complex. What follows underlines some
problems with how the Lisbon Treaty delineates the figure of the High
Representative. The Lisbon Treaty establishes that the High
Representative shall preside the Foreign Affairs Council, leading the Common
Foreign and Security Policy. The High Representative is also one of the
Vice-Presidents of the Commission and functions as the head of the European
External Action Service. In theory, the competences and powers of the High
Representative are thus quite relevant. In practice, however, the particular
policy field to which the responsibilities and activities of the European
Foreign Affairs Minister are ascribed is rather abstract, posing a number of
obstacles.
The national interests and protectionist tendencies of other countries complicate the attempts to provide substantial powers to the European Union in the foreign and security policy. This problem impedes the pursuit of consistent and strong external actions. The dispositions concerning the Common Foreign and Security Policy are the result of a long process of mediation among member states. Article 24, for example, establishes that the decisions connected to the Common Foreign and Security Policy “shall be defined and implemented by the European Council and the Council acting unanimously, except where the Treaties provide otherwise”. In a union of 28 states, achieving unanimity is inevitably complex. Furthermore, the EU is not allowed to adopt any legislative act in the foreign and security field. Lastly, the unwillingness of several member states to extend EU powers in this field is demonstrated by the decision to exclude the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in matters of this kind, probably in order to avoid – as occurred in the past in other areas – any unauthorized expansion of the EU competence by means of court rulings.
The national interests and protectionist tendencies of other countries complicate the attempts to provide substantial powers to the European Union in the foreign and security policy. This problem impedes the pursuit of consistent and strong external actions. The dispositions concerning the Common Foreign and Security Policy are the result of a long process of mediation among member states. Article 24, for example, establishes that the decisions connected to the Common Foreign and Security Policy “shall be defined and implemented by the European Council and the Council acting unanimously, except where the Treaties provide otherwise”. In a union of 28 states, achieving unanimity is inevitably complex. Furthermore, the EU is not allowed to adopt any legislative act in the foreign and security field. Lastly, the unwillingness of several member states to extend EU powers in this field is demonstrated by the decision to exclude the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in matters of this kind, probably in order to avoid – as occurred in the past in other areas – any unauthorized expansion of the EU competence by means of court rulings.
In the national Italian
newspaper “Corriere della Sera”, the
High Representative Mogherini declared that the decision to bestow the responsibility
for the negotiations with Russia upon France and Germany has been jointly taken
by all the 28 EU member states. Nevertheless, by looking at the Treaty and
keeping in mind the political discussions behind its drafting, we may argue
that the powers of the High Representative have been purposefully limited. As
long as the individual member states continue to reject possibilities for
expanding the EU’s foreign policy prerogatives, it will remain perfectly normal
to have French and German state officials in charge of resolving a crisis that
is threatening the security of all European states.
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